Is a communitarian agenda
a possibility for British – or any – politics these days?
I want to explore this question – using three approaches
This question arises from the appearance in the past year of both Hilary Cottam’s “Radical Help” (2019) and Paul Collier’s “The Future of Capitalism – facing the new
anxieties” (2018) - and of similar
ideas being expressed in a variety of places over the past decade,
including The “Kafka Brigade” (de Jong); clumsy solutions (Grint); “Reinventing
Organisations” (Laloux); The “Big Society” (Cameron); and Red Tory/Blue Labour
(Bond)
And, of course, behind all
this lies the shadow, of the millenium’s “The Third Way”
(admittedly more of a rhetorical than real moment); Paul Hirst’s writings of
the 1990s on “associationalism”; the communitarian movement embodied in Amitai Etzioni’s writings and activities in the US in the latter part of the 20th century; and those of GDH Cole in the pre-war
period.
So
there have clearly been a set of powerful – if peripheral - ideas with which we
have been very reluctant to part ……could it be that their time is coming?
I want to explore this question – using three approaches
-
identifying the common, distinctive
features of policies, values and behaviour which can be found under these
various labels
-
reminding ourselves of the original
debates more than 100 years ago around “community”
-
setting up some “stress tests” for what
is obviously a set of highly relevant propositions
1. The common agenda
Collier’s critique of “utilitarian
technocrats and Rawlsian lawyers corroding” the values of cooperation is, for
me, very apt
As far as I am aware, no one has
so far attempted to extract (from the disparate elements I’ve sketched above) a
common agenda. This is my first, very rough attempt -
- a dramatic change in the
balance of rights and responsibilities
– with more effort put into strengthening citizen “obligations” and less into
“rights”
- Increased role for
voluntary organisations – and cooperative activity
- Greater role for mutualised
societies; and for (smaller) local authorities
- Municipalisation of
services such as water
- More support for social
enterprise
- and for local banks
- taxation of rent-seeking activities
- and for local banks
- taxation of rent-seeking activities
- less emphasis on university
education and more on vocational education
- development in youth
services of “role model” (mentoring)
- rethink on aspects of state
regulations in health and safety field
- importance of values of
“respect” and “trust” being developed (by example!)
2. The original debate about “community”
Movement from the close, if
not stifling, “community” of towns and villages of past centuries
(governed by social norms of respect, trust and acceptable behaviour) to modern
“society” - where relationships are looser and anonymous – was a product
of industrialisation. And industrialisation took a good two centuries to work
through – it was in the late 1980s that the term “post-industrial” was first
heard.
It was German sociologist Ferdinand Tonnies (1855-1936) who gave us the terms
“Gemeinschaft” and “Gesellschaft” with which to make sense of that movement. And
the French sociologist Emile Durkheim (1858-1917) first used the term “anomie”
in 1893 to describe this feature of modern society.
The blog has several times
this year found itself exploring issues of community solidarity - which had been one of the priorities of
my political activity between 1968 and 1990. Some social scientists were
telling us, in the 1960s, that the process of clearing the old slums had broken
a crucial system of mutual neighbourly support (although other forces were also
at work); and that a new system of social support was needed.
This coincided with the
establishment in the early 1970s of a new department in local government for
such things which, in Scotland, was given a quite explicit “preventive”
objective. I became Chairman of such a committee in 1971 and used it to ensure
the appointment of community workers to try to build more of the spirit of
community in areas whose residents were suffering from what was called in those
days “multiple deprivation”
In 1977 the UK national weekly "Social Work Today"
commissioned
me to write a substantial article which argued that our
democratic system was failing such citizens - and that political parties no longer performed some of the
functions we had attributed to them. In the meantime a few of us had managed to
develop a strategy which saw support for these communities deepening – a strategy
which has been continued by successive Scottish governments…
Only one of the reviews I’ve
read so far of the Collier
book questions its realism – but does so in a rather smart way which reveals all that’s
worst in a book review –
Collier’s paragon of the
wise and ethical centrist is Emmanuel Macron, a man who, fewer than two years
into his presidency, has disastrously low approval ratings, is widely seen as a
tool of the wealthy, and just endured the
most destructive burst of popular outrage France has seen since 1968. If
that analogy didn’t already look foolish when Collier was writing The
Future of Capitalism in 2017 and early 2018, it certainly does now.
The dream of a
post-ideological pragmatism is itself ideological, of course, but what’s most
interesting about Collier’s proposals is that if implemented, they would
require not a variety of business-friendly Macronism but something closer to
the redistributive politics of Bernie Sanders. The blunt policy instrument
Collier most regularly suggests wielding is taxation. But because he’s a
serious economist writing a book and the imagined remit of the serious
book-writing economist is to rise above politics, to “move beyond the tired
binary of Right and Left,” in the equally tired phrase you always find in works
like The Future of Capitalism, Collier can’t bring himself to subscribe to
a leftist budgetary project. Il faut ĂȘtre absolument centriste.
In the end what emerges
most forcefully from The Future of Capitalism is its past — namely,
Collier’s deep nostalgia for the collective purpose of the postwar West, which
he himself experienced as a child and young adult growing up in Britain. That
sense of collective purpose was forged in the fire of World War II. The
institutions that defined the postwar liberal order gained legitimacy from
their incorporation within a collective project to preserve peace.
What project exists today
that could command a similar consensus and simultaneously revive growth
throughout the developed world? Even though consensus is proving enragingly tough
to secure, the answer is obvious: climate change. But Collier has little to
say on the issue, or indeed several of the other major gyrations affecting the
global economy today. The threat of automation, for example, which surely
demands at least some consideration if your subject is the future of
capitalism, is confidently brushed aside in one sentence: “Robotics is, I
think, unlikely to reduce the need for work — our wants are probably
insatiable.”
But Nobel-ish Prize-winning
economist George Akerlof has called The Future of Capitalism “the
most revolutionary work of social science since Keynes,” which is both generous
and wrong.
Collier says we need
“radical new thinking” to get out of the mess we’re in — and we do — but he
himself offers little more than tut-tutting social regressivism. Whatever good
ideas The Future of Capitalism does contain struggle to emerge from
the crush of their author’s monomania for the Trente Glorieuses.
Taxing the metropolis to
fund the revitalization of small cities, giving tenants the right to buy houses
at deep discounts: these aren’t bad ideas on their own, but how do we make them
happen? The answer, of course, is through the political process, but on
that The Future of Capitalism is by turns silent or blithely
optimistic.
Collier’s good ideas remain
undercooked because they have the misfortune of nesting in a book of political
economy that has nothing useful to say about politics.
As I say, this is a good example of a bad book review - my definition of which is one which tells us more about the reviewer than the book!
The post is already too long. Collier’s book is so important that that I will try to deal with the third of the “approaches”
the post talk about in the next post
update; just come across an essay on communitarianism on an amazing blog
The post is already too long. Collier’s book is so important that
update; just come across an essay on communitarianism on an amazing blog
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