what you get here

This is not a blog which opines on current events. It rather uses incidents, books (old and new), links and papers to muse about our social endeavours.
So old posts are as good as new! And lots of useful links!

The Bucegi mountains - the range I see from the front balcony of my mountain house - are almost 120 kms from Bucharest and cannot normally be seen from the capital but some extraordinary weather conditions allowed this pic to be taken from the top of the Intercontinental Hotel in late Feb 2020

Tuesday, May 30, 2023

Management of Public Services - Best Reading on Reform

It’s remarkable how few titles are available to help the concerned citizen (or official) make sense of the “reforms” which have deluged the public sector in the past few decades – whether privatisation, restructuring or austerity. There are, of course, thousands of academic books – but they have a weird focus on arcane and incestuous matters and simply don’t ask the sort of questions most people are interested in….An ex-civil servant, Martin Stanley, has ploughed a lone furlow in his writing about government and civil servce reform on his great site

Last year I spent a lot of time trying to identify what we had learned from 50 years of efforts to improve our public services (see Change for the Better? A Life in reform) The key group acting as a bridge between the public and the (extensive but generally arcane) writing on the subject are journalists too many of whom choose to titillate readers with tales of blunders and corruption. Whether they mean it or not, this only serves to develop cynicism and fatalism

It’s interesting that the book which helped spark off the global interest in what became known as New Public Management – Reinventing Government (1992) was written by a consultant and journalist (David Osborne and Ted Graeber respectively).
I've offered reading lists before on this subject - but this is my most up-to-date and considered shot yet...
.Interesting that there are more by activists and journalists than I had imagined!

The following may appear a long list – of the generalist books from the past 30 years I would recommend to the activist. But it works out as one significant book every 2 years!!


Title

Author’s profession

Takeaway

Short-term thinking in a long-term world;

B Spurling (2020)

public servant

an Australian public servant reflects on his experience

STRATEGIES FOR GOVERNING - reinventing Public Administration for a dangerous century”

Alasdair Roberts (2019)

Canadian public admin academic

what will hopefully be the start of a long overdue reassessment of the subject

A New Politics from the left

Hilary Wainwright (2018)

Activist

a rare defence of Public Admin from one of the British left’s most creative thinkers

Radical Help – how we can remake the relationships between us and revolutionise the welfare state

Hilary Cottam (2018)

activist


should be read in conjunction with the recent Demos' pamphlets on the social state and the preventative state.

Dismembered – the ideological attack on the state

Polly Toynbee and D Walker (2017)

journalists

a clear analysis of the tragic UK situation by two british journalists

The 21st century public manager – challenges, people and strategies

Z van der Wal (2017) Dutch academic and consultant

who has spent the past 7 years as a Prof at the University of Singapore

Reclaiming Public Services – how cities and citizens are turning back privatisation;

TNI (2017)

a radical Dutch Think-tank

An excellent overview by the radical international think tank of this very welcome trend

How to Run a Government so that Citizens Benefit and Taxpayers don’t go Crazy;

Michael Barber (2015)

consultant

A clearly written book about the approaches favoured by who became Tony Blair’s favourite "go-to" fixer. His optimism is a bit underwhelming

The Fourth Revolution – the global race to reinvent the state;

J Micklewaithe and A Woolridge (2015) journalists and Editors of no less a journal than The Economist

a breathless neoliberal analysis

The Tragedy of the Private – the potential of the public;

Hilary Wainwright (PSI 2014)

activist

an important little pamphlet

Public Sector Reform – but not as we know it;

Hilary Wainwright (Unison and TNI 2009)

activist

A rare readable case study (Newcastle) of a bottom-up approach to reform. We need much more of this....

Leadership for the Common Good;

Crosby and Bryson (2nd edition 2005)

academics

Probably the most comprehensive of the practical guides to getting the public services working well. Clicking the title gives the entire 500 pages!

The Essential Public Manager;

Chris Pollitt (2003)

political scientist

A great and very practical analysis of the political and technical aspects of the search for effective public services

The Values of Bureaucracy


Paul du Gay (2003)

Proceedings of an academic conference on du Gay's 2000 book which was a rare attempt to rescue aspects od this all-too-easilymaligned institution. Full book acessible by clicking the title

The Captive State – the corporate takeover of Britain;

George Monbiot” (2000)


journalist

A powerful critique of the nature and scale of corporate involvement in our public services which first alerted me to the nature of public-private partnerships

In Praise of Bureaucracy - weber, organisation, ethics;

Paul du Gay (2000)


political scientist

It may be academic, but is clearly written and has become a classic defence of a much maligned institution. Well reviewed here

Change the World;

Robert Quinn (2000)

management academic

Simply the best analysis of the process of social and organizational change

Creating Public Value – strategic management in government;

Mark Moore (1995)


Harvard acacemic

One of the few books which actually looks at examples of effective leaders in the public sector. Started a wave of (in-house) discussion which led to what could be the third stage of public admin

Reinventing Government;

David Osborne consultant

Ted Graeber, journalist (1992)

The book which started the New Public Management revolution

Administrative Reform

Gerard Caiden (1969)



.More specialist recommended reads

A Governance Practitioner’s Notebook – alternative ideas and approaches Whaites et al OECD 2015) a series of notes for the aspiring professional - delightful reading

Rethinking policy and politics – reflections on contemporary debates in policy studies ed C Ayres (2014) This looks a fascinating collection of contributions

Reinventing Organisations; Frederic Laloux (2014) a classic and radical view of organisations

People, Politics and Change - building communications strategy for governance reform (World Bank 2011) This and the 2008 book offer the greatest insights

Governance Reform under Real-World Conditions – citizens, stakeholders and Voice (World Bank 2008)

The 21st Century Public Servant; C Needham and Mangham (undated) Results of a British research project

The Blacksburg Manifesto and the postmodern debate about PA; Marshall and White (1990)

a useful insight into how things were seen in those days


Public service trade unions

The International Trade Union Confederation

European Trade Unions (ETUC)

https://publicservices.international/resources/publications

Public Services International

TUC (Trade Union Council) UK

Monday, May 29, 2023

Prevention is a no-brainer – so why doesn't it work?

Such is the policy question just posed on the comment on Freed blog by Sam, son of military historian Lawrence Freedman. 

Novels, we are told, operate with 7 basic plots viz Overcoming the monster; Rags to riches; The quest; Voyage and return; Comedy; Tragedy;.and Rebirth.
This raises the interesting question of how many basic themes political leaders use for their slogans and political rhetoric. The last century would suggest the following-
  • scapegoating and blaming outsiders
  • taking back control
  • our country the greatest
  • power to the workers
  • prevention is better than cure
Let's explore Freedman's post which looks at the difficulties the last policy slogan has encountered when it is attempted

A recent review of the health system by Patricia Hewitt, the former New Labour health 
minister, argues for a greater focus on preventative health. More money should be spent reducing 
the risks of illness in the first place. This would save the NHS time and money, while enabling
 people to lead healthier and happier lives.
As far as I’m aware absolutely no one disagrees with this. Some dispute the idea that it will 
save much money, as healthier people live longer and ultimately may require more healthcare 
over their lives, but no one disagrees with the basic principle that it’s better to prevent illness
 than manage its consequences.
This includes the government. The report was commissioned, and welcomed by, the Chancellor
 Jeremy Hunt. When he was health secretary his “long term plan” emphasised prevention. 
Every health and shadow health secretary pays lip service to the idea. There have been
 hundreds of reports over the years making the unarguable case. And yet since 2015/16 
the public health grant to local authorities – the main budget for preventative health - has fallen 
by 24% in real terms, even as overall healthcare spending has continued to rise. As a result
 spending in every key area of preventative health, except childhood obesity, has fallen
So despite everyone agreeing with the policy – including the person who was health secretary in 2015 and is Chancellor now – funding has been cut rather than increased. Hewitt, being an experienced policymaker, explicitly asks the “why will it be different this time” question in her report but her answers are unconvincing because she doesn’t acknowledge the fundmental reason why it keeps happening.

What explains the paradox? Why are the most widely supported things the least likely to happen? The simple answer is that if an idea is that obvious and not ideologically contested, and has featured over many years in reports and speeches, and still hasn’t happened, then the reason it’s not happening has nothing to do with support for the principle. Something else is acting as a barrier. More advocacy for the policy will not change this. As I tell the eager young think-tankers I meet, there’s no point writing another report making the case. The blockage needs to be identified and removed.
In my experience there are three core categories of barrier that prevent the obvious ideas happening: 
  • spending rules; 
  • misdiagnosis; and 
  • fear of the electorate.

And, sure enough, the Demos Think Tank recently and obligingly sustained this argument by publishing a couple of pamphlets arguing, variously, for a “Social, relational or preventative State” with the latter arguing that

Public services are facing an unsustainable rising tide of demand. In response, politicians across the political spectrum are calling for a greater shift to prevention in public services. This is necessary: public services today are too reactive, intervening too late. To address this we need to move from transactional public services to relational public services.

Yet this essay argues that focusing on a new model for public services is necessary but insufficient, we need a state which is more expansive in how it sees the challenge of reforming public services. That’s because to truly reduce demand for public services in the long run, we need to not only prevent problems from arising, but create the conditions for flourishing and resilience within communities. Achieving this means investing in those foundational goods which create the social capital that enables us to lead better lives, without state intervention. Only then can a truly preventative state emerge.

To which, Freedman's response would undoubtedly be along the lines of

Just because something hasn’t worked, or has been blocked, in the past, it doesn’t 
mean it can’t work now. But it is important to understand the history and explain why 
it can be different this time.
The more of these discussions I have the more I have come to realise that there’s an
 odd paradox that applies to every policy area: the more obvious the idea, the less likely it is to happen. I don’t just mean obvious to me. There are plenty of policies that I personally – as a member of the dissolute liberal new elite – think are no brainers that are nevertheless hotly contested. No, these are ideas that everyone, bar perhaps a tiny ideological fringe, agree with, and that, at any of those panel events, will get a room full of appreciative nods, but nevertheless don’t happen.

This, of course, takes us back to the issue of public admin reform to whicih I will retung in another post

Sunday, May 28, 2023

Strategies for Governing - Reinventing Public Administration

A strange new virus was let loose on the world some 50 years ago – so strange that it lacked a name. In 1975 it caused a report called “The Crisis of Democracy” to be produced; it made states “ungovernable” and/or “overloaded” but, in recent years, has acquired the name of “neoliberalism”.

In 1989 “the state” had crumbled – at least in eastern Europe – and a huge effort was made by international bodies and consultancies to try to encourage countries in that region build on western experience and create effective state bodies which would be responsive to public needs… and deal with the new socio-economic challenges which required dramatic changes in how all state bodies went about their business…

The Brits had started this fashion in the 1970s – but, by the 1990s, everyone wanted in on the act….In How did Admin Reform get to be so sexy? I suggest (on page 21) 15 questions on the best way into the most interesting (and extensive) writing about the reform of public services and noted that

- Different parts of the world have their own very different approaches and ways of talking about public sector reform. English language material has tended to dominate the literature (with an emhasis on learning from commerical practice); but
- Scandinavians, Germans and French let alone South Americans, Chinese and Indians have also developed important ideas and experience - of which English-speakers tend to be blithely unaware.
- We are overwhelmed by texts on reform experience but most written by academics – targeting their students and other academics. Where are the writers who can help the public make sense of it all?
- At least 8 very different groups have been active in shaping our thinking about “reform” efforts. These are - academics, politicians, think-tankers, global bodies, senior officials, consultants, journalists and an indeterminate group- each uses very different language and ideaswith academics being the most prolific (but tending to talk in jargon amongst themselves; and therefore being ignored by the rest of us)- Some “old hands” have tried to summarise the experience for us in short and clear terms. The lesson, they suggest, is that little has changed
- What is sad is how few “social justice” campaigners seem interested in this issue (Hilary Wainwright being an honourable exception….)
- and the public, suffering from a decade of austerity, have been left blithely 
unaware of the incestuous discussions the subject of state reform has been causing amonsgt the cognoscenti

The Covid pandemic, however, brought home to everyone the damage austerity had been doing to the social fabric. 

I have been rereading STRATEGIES FOR GOVERNING - reinventing Public Administration for a dangerous century” which a Canadian academic, Alasdair Roberts, produced in 2019. It argues that -

The field of public administration took a wrong turn forty years ago, and slowly moved away from large and important questions about the governance of modern-day states. The purpose of this book is to map a way back to the main road.

This is a book about public administration and what its aims should be. It is intended for researchers in the field, practitioners in public service, and students preparing to become researchers or practitioners, but it will also interest readers concerned about building secure and thriving societies.

My argument is straightforward: In the United States, the field of public administration was launched almost a century ago by people with bold aspirations. They were not interested only in the efficiency of government offices; they wanted a thorough overhaul of the creaking American state so that it could manage the pressures of modern-day life.

Unfortunately, this expansive view of the field’s purpose has been lost. Over the last four decades in particular, the focus within the field has been mainly on smaller problems of management within the public sector.

This narrowing of focus might have made sense in the United States and a few other advanced democracies in the waning decades of the twentieth century, but it does not make sense today.

The challenge of governing was described by the Florentine diplomat Niccolò Machiavelli a half millennium ago. Machiavelli warned the rulers of Italian city-states such as his native Florence that their work was fraught with danger. Sometimes the threat was posed by other city-states, and sometimes it arose within the city walls because people were restless and hard to please. A clever leader sought advice on how to build institutions that would bolster his authority both inside and outside the city walls. But even strong institutions could be toppled by the tempest of public affairs. They had to be renovated constantly to keep up with changing conditions, and this was very hard to do. States that did not constantly renew themselves, Machiavelli warned, were likely to collapse.

Some commentators have suggested that Machiavelli lived in unusually precarious times. In some ways, though, the rulers of sixteenth-century Florence had it easy. Florence was merely a city-state: its walls contained only four square miles of territory and sixty thousand people. Today the average state has more than two hundred thousand square miles and more than thirty million people. Compared to Florence in 1500, China has a million times as much land and twenty-three thousand times as many people. The institutional apparatus required by a state like China is more vast and complex than anything Machiavelli could have imagined.

There are additional complications for today’s rulers. Machiavelli warned about renewing institutions to keep up with the times, but the world in which he lived was relatively stable. In important ways, it was not much different when he died in 1527 than when he’d been born sixty years earlier. By comparison, the pace of change today—social, economic, technological—is blistering. The planet’s current population of seven billion is also more restless: urbanized, literate, wired, and mobile. And they have higher expectations of their rulers. Standards for security and order, public services, and protection of human rights are more demanding today than they were in the sixteenth century. The leaders of modern-day states have a difficult assignment.

  • They must devise a strategy for leading their countries toward security, order, prosperity, and justice.

  • Next, they must design and build institutions that translate their strategy into practice.

  • And then they must deal with the vicissitudes of time and chance, adapting strategies and institutions in response to altered circumstances and unexpected events.

The first self-styled school of public administration was established in 1922, and the first textbook in public administration, written by Leonard White of the University of Chicago, was published in 1926. Woodrow Wilson’s work did not get much attention until the 1930s, when professors of public administration invented a history for their new field, which included a contribution from a well-regarded then-recent president. The first generation of scholars and practitioners in public administration were tied to a political movement in American politics known as progressivism, which coalesced in the 1890s and gained strength over the next two decades. American society was convulsed during these years by the emergence of big industries and cities, stark inequality and labor unrest, a surge in immigration, extraordinary technological advances, and shifts in the international balance of power. Americans had great hopes for their country. But many also worried that events could spiral out of control. Institutions designed for a simpler time did not seem sufficient for new realities. “The government of the part of the world in which we live,” Luther Gulick warned, “is in many respects three generations behind our necessities.”3 Gulick was one of the leading figures in American public administration in the early twentieth century. He believed that progress required a complete reconstruction of the old order. The writer Walter Lippmann called this “the fitting of government to the facts of the modern world.”

Thursday, May 25, 2023

Martin Amis - stylist extraordinaire

Martin Amis’ unexpected death has produced an outpouring of admiration bordering on love. One of the rare exceptions was Terry Eagleton whose reflections drew attention to the liberalism underpinning the clique to which he belonged

English culture has produced a number of cliques and coteries in its day, from the Pre-Raphaelite Brotherhood and the Bloomsbury Group to Macspaunday (otherwise known as the Thirties poets Louis MacNeice, Stephen Spender, W. H. Auden and Cecil Day Lewis). The Angry Young Men of the Fifties weren’t exactly a clique since they scarcely knew each other, and apart from being young they shared almost nothing in common, least of all anger. Several of them ended up as curmudgeonly old buffers with dubious views about women and ethnicity. Among the latter was Kingsley Amis, father of the novelist Martin Amis, who died last week. Amis Senior moved from the high-spirited iconoclasm of Lucky Jim to a Right-wing clubman’s view of the world, and we shall see later that in one respect at least, Amis Junior followed suit.

Amis’s own clique — Salman Rushdie, Julian Barnes, Ian McEwan, Christopher Hitchens, James Fenton, Clive James — were a formidably talented bunch of wits and whiz kids, almost all of them products of Oxbridge in an era of intense cultural creativity, the Sixties and Seventies. Between them they have produced superlative fiction, caustic satire, and devastating humour. Hitchens, who wrote that the life of the “poxed and suppurating” John F. Kennedy was remarkable not for being cut short but for lasting so long, described Prince Charles (as he was then) as a “morose, bat-eared and chinless man, prematurely aged, with the most abysmal taste in royal consorts”. Ian Fleming was “a heavy sadist and narcissist and all-round pervert” with a particular penchant for the human bottom.

Most commentaries, however, have drawn attention to his style and the sheer originality of his sentences. Writing on Saul Bellow’sThe Adventures of Augie March, he provided the most succinct description of his literary credo:

Style, of course, is not something grappled on to regular prose; it is intrinsic to perception. We are fond of separating style and content (for the purposes of analysis, and so on), but they aren’t separable: they come from the same place. And style is morality.”

Amis always considered himself a satirist, which is to say a moralist, and his war against immorality revealed itself in another war in The War Against Cliché - Michael Crichton’s dinosaur epic “The Lost World” is for him a “strange terrain of one-page chapters, one-sentence paragraphs and one-word sentences” in which the reader encounters “herds of clichés, roaming free. You will listen in ‘stunned silence’ to an ‘unearthly cry’ or a ‘deafening roar’. Raptors are ‘rapacious’. Reptiles are ‘reptilian’. Pain is ‘searing’.”

Amis’s aversion to this kind of writing was almost pathological, and it is no coincidence that one of the hallmarks of his own style was his use of modifiers, which he unmoors from their usual contexts. So we get “gentle coma” and “grim approval” and “glare of congeniality.” He forced the reader to rethink first principles.

He does this because he understood that the dangers of bad prose are not merely aesthetic. “Cliché spreads inwards from the language of the book to its heart,” he wrote in an essay on Fay Weldon. “Cliché always does.” It is a mental rot that, like poison ivy, eventually smothers and poisons the body it is attached to. When you flick through “The Lost World”, you realise that you are not reading a novel in any real sense of the word (especially if you boil down the term “novel” to its first principles). What you are reading are strings of clichés held together by coordinating conjunctions and laughable dialogue.

In “Politics and the English language”, Orwell described the act of “throwing your mind open and letting the ready-made phrases come crowding in. They will construct your sentences for you… and at need they will perform the important service of partially concealing your meaning even from yourself.” It is at this point, Orwell wrote, that “the special connection between politics and the debasement of language becomes clear”. For Orwell, “political chaos is connected with the decay of language”.

Amis never liked Orwell, throwing away 1984 after reading an unpardonable cliché — “ruggedly handsome” — on the first page. “The man can’t write worth a damn,” was his verdict. But I think the two men shared an understanding of what happens when, as Orwell wrote, language is reduced to thoughtless phrases bolted together “like the sections of a prefabricated hen-house”. Clichéd language is the perfect vessel in which to transmit an ideology that resists scrutiny and relies on obfuscation to promulgate. For both Amis and Orwell, bad writing is a form of unthinking that can end in a callousness to human cruelty and the horror it wreaks.

I have to confess that I wasn’t a fan of his novels – but I loved his non-fiction, starting with The Moronic Inferno in which he collected the assessments he had written of the various American authors he had grown to respect in what ultimately became his home

And it was James Wood, the UK born New Yorker’s literary critic whose tribute superbly captures the reasons for Martin Amis’ power

He combined many of the classic elements of English literary comedy: exaggeration, and its dry parent, understatement; picaresque farce; caustic authorial intervention; caricature and grotesquerie; a wonderful ear for ironic registration. Take that phrase, “a work of colossal administration.” Sterne, Fielding, Austen—above all, Jane Austen—might have recognized its mixture of cruelty and mercy. The Austen of “Emma,” the satirist who describes the irritating Mrs. Elton’s large bonnet and basket as her “apparatus of happiness,” would have seen exactly what Amis is doing here. To fall to the ground massively, slowly, with great difficulty, is an act of labor that wins from the writer that cumbersome word “administration.” And the cool Latinate tease of it is funny. But it also hints, more tenderly, at what will be needed of us—our administration, as we struggle to lift the almost deadweight up off the street. The entire drawling phrase ironically distances something that’s unbearably painful and intimate.

The Englishman’s adoration of the foreignness of Saul Bellow and Vladimir Nabokov, the comedian’s yearning for seriousness and soul, the borrowing of deep “themes” (nuclear disarmament, the Holocaust, Stalinist terror, Islamic extremism)—these obsessions were all surplus to his true literary vitality, which was comic and farcical. Like a number of postwar English writers, he chased after the things he flagrantly lacked, idealizing the qualities he found most difficult, or was simply unwilling, to enact in his own literary practice. (Iris Murdoch’s admiration for the vital and utterly free characterization of Tolstoy and Shakespeare might be another example of this odd English questing.)

The Guardian tribute also puts it nicely

It is often said that this generation of writers was the closest the books world gets to having rock stars, then Amis was Mick Jagger. Those 70s photographs (The Rachel Papers years) of him pouting extravagantly at the camera, cigarette dangling – you can almost smell the smoke and ambition – announced a changing of the guard. His pose, like his prose, poised somewhere between provocation and seduction. Where the literary world had been grey and tweedy, presided over by ageing grandees (Amis Sr, William Golding, Anthony Burgess, Iris Murdoch), now it was young and outrageously brash, and Amis was the frontman.

The insolence, the silliness, the seriousness, the grotesqueness, the erudition and audacity were all swept up in those inimitable sentences and corralled into order by his cleverness with form. As Enright summed up in her review: “Damn, that fool can write.” And, like an imposing building slightly worn with time, Amis changed the landscape of literature so dramatically that it is hard to remember what it looked like before. And for all the macho-ness of his writing, his influence can be seen in writers of the generation that followed, for instance his friend Zadie Smith.

He was a talismanic figure for my generation of novelists, and an inspiration to me personally,” says another friend, Kazuo Ishiguro. “He was famous, notorious even, for his biting satire and swaggering prose, but there was always a surprising tenderness not far beneath that surface. His characters were always yearning for love and connection. I believe ultimately his work will age well, growing over the years.” We will be reading him for decades, weather permitting.

But to go back to 2009 and Amis’s closing words on Updike: “His style was one of compulsive and unstoppable vividness and musicality. Several times a day you turn to him, as you will now to his ghost, and say to yourself, ‘How would Updike have done it?’ This is a very cold day for literature.” And so it is today. Younger writers will ask: “How would Amis have done it?” He was exceptionally sui generis.

Another author recounts the impact Amis made on him when he was only an aspiring author – once more emphasising the generosity of the man

By way of unpacking for the newly Amis-curious what pleasure his best work brings to those who admire it, here are three great generosities that are as alive in the style as they were in the man.

The first is to do with straightforward abundance. There’s a ravishing luxuriousness to all his writing. You get to revel and recline in the great opulent apparel of our language as if it were yours to drape yourself in all along. Which, of course, it is. In this way, he generously returns to you what you feel you have lost by hair-shirting your way through other writers of various pinch, beef and earnest. You feel more subtle in his company, you feel your own vocabulary expand, your sensibility for words is reconjured, your vow of love for the English language is remade; in the moment of reading his best work, you fee  richer.

The second is to do with his scrupulousness and precision. Leaving aside macro concerns, you can as a reader always rest assured that there is no other British prose writer who has taken quite so much care over the word-by-word selection that goes into making a sentence. His status as a novelist is mercurial but his paragraphs are still the best in recent English. Most of this hand-to-hand stuff is intuitive for him (as was apparent when he spoke), but he also checked and double checked and read and reread his work until its sound and rhythm and timbre was (as he felt it) perfect. For many readers this assiduousness is strangely relaxing. Relaxing because you know you can trust him; because you never have the feeling of being let down on the sentence level by a cliché, or a repetition, or some other infelicity that breaks the all-important spell of authorial command. 

The third generosity is to do with exuberance – an intoxicating joy, a pleasure, a live kinetic vitality that lives word to word in his work. As your author-guide, he is forever delighting you with unexpected phrase-making, with freshness, with ingenuity, with invention and ingeniousness. In his other masterpiece, "Money" you laugh, you gasp, you shake your head, you rush towards the next sentence at the same time as you back up to marvel at the last. Think again about the meaning of this word, he seems to urge the reader, and then look at this word next to that word. I never wholly bought his Nabokovian style-is-morality schtick. But I do believe that his work is existentially incandescent only because it is stylistically incandescent. 

This last quality – of exuberance and spirit; the incandescent style – is more in the tradition of the poets than the novelists; it is also much more in the tradition of the 18th century – Tobias Smollett, Henry Fielding and the gang – than the writers he is often compared to – Evelyn Waugh and PG Wodehouse. If you combine these thoughts, the figure who comes to mind is the great 18th-century poet Alexander Pope. And, indeed, I have always thought that Amis has a great deal in common with Pope’s sensibility. The way Pope is a flat-out genius with words and in such Bach-like musical control; the way he is unsurpassable as a compassionate-but-mighty-and-scathing satirist; the way he is unable to write about matters of the heart organically; the way he is endlessly funny and arch and sly and collusive and playful; most of all, the way he loves and takes care of his readers. From the opening of Pope’s “An Essay on Man”:

Let us (since life can little more supply  
Than just to look about us and to die)  
Expatiate free o’er all this scene of man;  
A mighty maze! but not without a plan;  
A wild, where weeds and flow’rs promiscuous shoot;  
Or garden, tempting with forbidden fruit.  
Together let us beat this ample field,  
Try what the open, what the covert yield;  
The latent tracts, the giddy heights explore  
Of all who blindly creep, or sightless soar;  
Eye Nature’s walks, shoot folly as it flies,  
And catch the manners living as they rise;  
Laugh where we must, be candid where we can…

Martin would love that invitational “Together let us…” and the way all those different meanings are simultaneously alive in the single line as it runs – beckoning us – forward: “Together let us beat this ample field.” Come on in. Come on in.

Taken altogether these three qualities represent what, I think, is at the heart of Amis’s work: a delighted, forensic, monumental and epic commitment to language itself. That’s the quiddity. That’s the core reason so many writers and journalists enjoy reading him. And that’s the reason I don’t think the distinction between the non-fiction and the fiction holds. Because all his writing is like that. Sure, the non-fiction feels more anchored because of its ostensible subject. And, yes, the bad fiction feels worse than it is because its subject is so obviously ostensible. But really the subject in either case was not the subject; the true subject was always the language – its meaning and its music. And – about this – Amis is never anything other than serious, devout, sincere, interesting, sublime.

On the way out the second time, I was fixed. I picked up Experience again from the side table and this time boldly asked him to sign it. I’m chary of overstatement and – thinking about that day – I’m still not sure if this is a failing or a virtue. But in those few hours, he restored my faith. Writing fiction, publishing, editing, magazines, poetry – they’re all such fragile businesses and yet he was absolutely certain that they mattered, that their power was not only purposeful but transcendent. I soon began again on another novel. And this – my “third”, the next thing I wrote – became my debut. It wasn’t until a couple of days later, though, that I opened up Experience. Only then did I read what he had written. “To Ed, keep going, Martin Amis.” Such a kind and generous thing to say. The same thing he had been saying to me all afternoon. I have the inscription in front of me now.

update

Even the NEw Left Review for into the act https://newleftreview.org/sidecar/posts/high-flown-english