LAWLESS IN GAZA

Eyeless in Gaza is a famous 1936 book written by Aldous Huxley about intellectuals in English society. The title is just a modernist trick since none of the characters are blind and Gaza is not even mentioned. But the middle-east journalist Jonathan Cook has cleverly referenced the title in his latest post which suggests that Israel is using Gaza to market its surveillance and security technology

Five countries can boast of having murdered most people. Obviously Germany 

and Japan are on the list – but many people will be surprised to find the US, 

UK and  Israel there also.

What I want to do today is to see how well writers have risen to the challenge of dealing with such violence

Everyone is familiar with the German case – British television is constantly 

screening second world war films but people have forgotten the 1986 debate 

in Germany about its Sonderweg – or exceptionalism – when its historians 

eventually forced its citizens to come to terms with the enormity of the Nazi 

deeds. But Fritz Stern’s had shown the roots of fascism much earlier in his 1961 

book The Politics of Cultural Despair – a study in the rise of Germanic ideology 

But those who prefer their history to be narrated in more personal terms
are advised to go to Gita Sereny’s amazing conversations with and study of 

Hitler’s architect Albert Speer – his battle with Truth (1995)

Japan is more difficult for a Brit to deal with – I have to rest on Ian Buruma’s 

The Wages of Guilt – memories of war in Germany and Japan (1994) 

For the United States Howard Zinn’s A People’s History of the United States is the go-to book for the violence inflicted on ordinary people in their struggles for recognition and dignity in that country. And Noam Chomsky has recorded the millions of deaths the country has perpetrated both directly and indirectly on the peoples of the middle east, central Asia and Latin America.

The violence of the British Empire is summarily dealt with in Pankaj Mishra’s Bland Fanatics – liberals, race and empire (2020)

My view of the violence in the middle east has been coloured by the superb journalism of Robert Fisk whose The Great War for Civilisation (2005) reflects his long experience in the middle east and sets in context Ten Myths about Israel (2017) by the famous Israeli historian, Ilan Pappe. And for those who prefer images I recommend the 2002 Pilger documentary on Palestine

But for raw and open dialogue I would guide readers to this powerful interview 

with Yuval Harari
 

The Importance of Context

The outbreak of Israel-Hamas violence last weekend is one of these moments which compels a response – but not a knee-jerk one. A more contextual one is called for such as offered by an Australian journalist (who happens to be Jewish) whose Twitter analysis has just gone viral. Richard Loewenstein has written several books the most relevant of which is My Israel Question  But the most objective book is probably Enemies and Neighbours – jews and arabs 1917-2017 by Ian Black (2017)

What is striking is the number of prominent Israelis who are supportive of the defenceless Palestinians who have operated for several years in what even the United Nations calls an “open prison”. And it’s not just Yuval Harari who protests against the Israel government - I’m just reading Ten Myths about Israel (2017) by the famous Israeli historian, Ilan Pappe, who is part of a group of local historians hostile to the Zionism which has increased the grip it has on the country in the past half-century. Indeed Pappe co-authored in 2015 On Palestine with no less a figure than Noem Chomsky. Avi Shlaim is another historian critical of Israel

It was good to see the US journal Boston Review put the violence properly in context with a piece which has just appeared

Hamas differs from the other major Palestinian party, Fatah, led by Mahmoud Abbas and based in the West Bank, which has been occupied by Israel since the 1967 Six-Day War. (Gaza was formally occupied then as well; it was not until 2005 that Israel withdrew soldiers and Jewish settlements.) Though initially committed to armed resistance, Fatah was eventually prepared to recognize Israel and negotiate with it in hopes of establishing a Palestinian state—the so-called two-state solution, which was pursued, though unsuccessfully, during the Oslo negotiations of the 1990s. Hamas and Fatah have had a contentious relationship, which has at times turned violent.

It bears noting, however, that the UN partition is regarded as an injustice even by Palestinians who have nothing to do with Hamas. The signal event that followed from the partition and that has been seared into Palestinians’ memory is the forced expulsion or flight of 700,000 of their forbears from the territory the UN assigned to Israel, the killing of another 15,000, and the destruction of at least 400 villages—what Palestinians call the Nakba (Arabic for “catastrophe”). Many of those displaced in these years ended up in Gaza.

Increased Israeli settlements

There has been a dramatic increase in settlement since the 2022 election. According to the Israeli NGO Peace Now, the government “promoted 12,855 housing units” in the West Bank in the first six months of 2023 alone, almost twice as many as it did in the preceding two years combined. In addition, the demolition or seizure of Palestinian homes in East Jerusalem, and attacks by settlers on Palestinians, continues. The UN’s Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs reports that 752 “Palestinian-owned structures” in the West Bank have been destroyed between January and October of this year, displacing 1,182 people, whereas the corresponding figures for all of 2022 were 954 and 1,032. Violence by West Bank settlers against Palestinians has likewise increased sharply since 2021.

In short, Hamas and the ultra-religious parties that are now part of Israel’s government are defined by irreconcilable historical, religious, and political narratives. These beliefs are hardly new, nor are they sole source of the enmity between Israel and Hamas, or the only explanation for the October 7 attack. Still, it cannot be understood fully without taking them into account. Furthermore, the diminished stature of Fatah in the West Bank, Hamas’s dominance in Gaza, and the powerful role of ultranationalist parties in Israeli politics have together increased the probability of violent confrontations between the IDF and the Al-Qassem Brigades.

As for the future

the plight of Gza’s more than 2 million people will doubtless polarize the Middle East to an extent not seen in many years, especially if the war continues for weeks or months. The calling up of 300,000 IDF reservists and the massing of 100,000 in southern Israel, confirmed by Israel’s chief military spokesman, suggest that Netanyahu’s government has, at the very least, not ruled out that option.

The model of two states living by side—Palestinian having full control over the West Bank and Gaza, with East Jerusalem as the capital—was roughly the goal of the 1990s Oslo negotiations, but it has become much more complicated to accomplish because of what has occurred in the West Bank. Since 1967, 279 Jewish settlements have been established there, and they are now home to 700,000 Israeli Jews. For a territorially continuous and substantial Palestinian state to emerge the settlements would have to dismantled, and Israel would have to yield East Jerusalem. No Israeli government would want to embark on that politically explosive mission, and so long as religious parties play a role in governing, it won’t be entertained even as an idea. More fundamentally, just as Hamas denies the legitimacy of Israel and rejects a two-state solution, ultra-religious Israeli parties reject the very notion of a Palestinian state, no matter its configuration. Furthermore, the scale and surprise of Hamas’s attack could well embolden and strengthen Israelis who warn that any kind of Palestinian state would pose a mortal threat to their country.

We are, then, left with the dismal and dangerous future featuring intermittent cycles of violence between Israel and Hamas. As always no one will suffer more than civilians—Israelis, but particularly Palestinians living in Gaza. And while this particular confrontation may pass without other states joining the fray, we cannot count on that happening forever.

Still, we have witnessed momentous and unexpected changes in the last twenty-five years—including the end of apartheid in South Africa, the collapse of the Soviet Union, and before that the end of communist rule in Eastern Europe. Changes within Israel and in the world that make for a more hopeful turn of events cannot be ruled out, especially as voices for dialogue and reconciliation exist within Israel and among Palestinians. That, at least, must be our hope.

Other useful links

https://newleftreview.org/sidecar/posts/impending-genocide

https://bylinetimes.com/2023/10/16/gazas-last-stand-the-dangers-of-a-second-nakba/

https://www.declassifieduk.org/lawless-in-gaza-why-britain-and-the-west-back-israels-crimes/

https://indi.ca/the-west-is-showing-its-whole-genocidal-ass/

good analysis of the background to the conflict 

https://indi.ca/why-should-i-hate-hamas/

https://www.conter.scot/2023/10/11/defend-gaza-oppose-green-lighting-war-crimes/

https://www.councilestatemedia.uk/p/we-are-being-fed-misinformation-to?utm_source=profile&utm_medium=reader2

https://consortiumnews.com/2023/10/11/craig-murray-condemnation/

https://www.lrb.co.uk/blog/2023/october/get-out-of-there-now

https://newleftreview.org/issues/ii96/articles/perry-anderson-the-house-of-zion.pdf2015

Rethinking the politics of Israel-Palestine Bruno Kreisky Forum 2014

https://issuu.com/oxfordpoliticalreview/docs/opr_issue_9_pr_ml_issuu/s/23567523

THE GREAT ACCELERATION

A superb treat for my readers today...Peter Russell is, for my money, one of the most interesting writers about CHANGE – one of my favourite topics for the past few decades. As far back as 1992 he published a fascinating and extremely accessible book called Waking up in Time whose text (marvellously) was broken up with pictures and paragraph headings to allow the reader to get an immediate sense of the argument. Too many books fail this simple test and have pages full of unrelieved text.

Russell has a great website which offers us an opportunity to experiment with ChatGP and I used it to ask the simple question “Why didn’t the book make a greater impact?” to which the algorithm responded

Peter Russell's "Waking Up in Time" was indeed a profound exploration of the interplay between consciousness, evolution, and the potential for human beings to change their perspectives on time and space. However, it's not uncommon for such thought-provoking books to not receive the widespread recognition they may deserve. There could be multiple reasons why this book hasn't made a more significant impact:
- Timing: The book was published in 1992, a time when the collective consciousness and mainstream media were perhaps not as open to new-age thinking and topics as they are today.
- Mainstream Acceptance: The concepts in the book push the boundaries of conventional thought, delving into spirituality, consciousness, and the nature of reality – subjects that have traditionally been on the fringe of mainstream acceptance.
- Competition for Attention: There is a vast volume of self-help and personal development literature available. Unfortunately, even deserving books can get lost in the crowd.

That said, the impact of a book is not just measured by its popularity or sales figures, but also by the profound transformation it can bring about in individual readers. Peter Russell's work continues to be discovered and appreciated by many who are seeking to explore these concepts. It's important to remember that sometimes, seeds are sown quietly, but they still have the potential to sprout into something beautiful over time.

To which one can say only - Wow!! 

Russell has, this year, updated the 1992 book with Forgiving Humanity – how the most innovative species became the most dangerous (2023) which he used AI to interview himself about (surely a first?!). Both books emphasise the importance of exponential change 

I have added these books to my short note on CHANGE along with some other recent books which fall more into the category of social change to which I may try to do justice in some future posts

Neither Vertical nor Horizontal – theories of political organisation by Rodriguez Nunes 2021 who is interviewed here

Augmented Humanity – being and remaining agentic in a digitised world by Peter Bryant 2021

World Protests – study of key protest issues in the 21^st Century I Oriz et al 2022

If we Burn – the mass protest decade and the missing revolution by Vincent Bevins 2023 interviewed by Chris Hedges here

End Times – elites, counterelites and the path of political disintegration by Peter Turchin 2023 with Turchin interviewed by Aaron Bastani

SHOWCASING THE YOUNGER HISTORIANS

The UK discourages new entrants onto the political market and prefers to see the two main political parties slugging it out. Although there have been calls recently for a change to an electoral system which better reflects citizen preferences, expecting change is equivalent to encouraging Turkeys to vote for an earlier Christmas.

This has been a series on books about the Labour party and I’m pleased to report that one of the most recent Rethinking Labour’s Past edited by Matt Yeowell (2022) is very readable, indeed journalistic (in the best sense). Nothing annoys me more than the style of academic writing which ends each sentence with a bracket and several names, which – if you want to follow up, require you to interrupt your reading and go what is usually a long bibliography at the end of the book.

But this book is different – not only is it beautifully written but each page is extensively footnoted, giving you all the references you need

In the last two great turning points in British political history, in the late 1970s and in the immediate wake of the 2008 financial crisis, Labour – and progressives more widely – were unable to prevent their political opponents from framing events in ways that contributed to major rightward shifts in British politics

Unlike earlier books in this series, this book showcases younger historians such as Ben Jackson whose chapter

investigates how Labour leaders have interpreted the party’s past, comparing the rhetoric used by the three postwar, election-winning Labour prime ministers – Attlee, Wilson and Blair – in order to identify what was distinctive about Blair’s understanding of Labour history. However, the aim of this comparison is not to castigate Blair as a regrettable anomaly but rather to understand why the more traditional historical self-understanding of the Labour Party lost its allure in the late twentieth century. The chapter will conclude by considering, as the party looks to the future, how we might …..seek to reinject into Labour’s account of the past the idealism that the architects of New Labour so scrupulously removed. Weber acknowledged that ‘disenchantment’ risked leaving the modern world adrift from meaning or purpose in the absence of agreed ethical and spiritual values. The task for the Labour Party today is to reconnect with the inspiring aspects of its past without sliding back into the self-congratulatory and uncritical historical ambience that was dispelled by the political ruptures of the late twentieth century.

Another chapter I enjoyed was the one on “social democracy and community”

We can crudely identify four stages in Labour’s twentieth-century history in which a community-oriented critique of social democracy came to the fore.

• Firstly, the immediate period following the high watermark of 1945, through to the late 1950s: as the party struggled to come to terms with ‘affluence’ and the apparent disappearance of a wartime spirit of community and social solidarity, the decay of working-class community became a prominent concern for writers and thinkers, such as Richard Hoggart and Michael Young. The apparent erosion of localized working-class cultures by the ‘massification’ of culture, rise of new towns and suburbs, and physical decline or dismantling of ‘traditional working-class neighbourhoods’ featured prominently in such accounts.

• Secondly, by the late 1960s, ‘community’ was increasingly invoked by activists practising grassroots politics within Britain’s ‘crisis’-hit inner cities. Labour politicians saw the rise of community action in this period both as a challenge to the party’s political primacy and to the central priorities of social democracy, yet also as an opportunity to align the party to new concerns and new constituencies.

• Thirdly, in the late 1970s and early 1980s, revisionist social democrats (including key founding figures of the SDP) and ‘new urban left’ councils would both try to channel these energies, drawing on related critiques of Labourism and its reliance on centralized state power.

• Finally, the 1990s would see the communitarian critique of social democracy take centre stage within the party, as New Labour sought to centre the concept of ‘community’ within its politics, and to distance itself from many of the perceived shortcomings of past Labour governments and the cultural politics of the left. However, this engagement would wane in government. By the 2010s, Blue Labour was levelling a similar critique at the Blair–Brown governments.

Many on the Left were beginning to question whether Labour could successfully reconnect with people’s everyday lives’. Sociologists – like Young himself – and cultural critics such as Hoggart and Raymond Williams showed an increasing interest in popular culture and in the everyday lives of working-class people. The emergence of the First New Left after 1956 saw a deeper engagement with culture and an emphasis on nonstate forms of socialism from the Marxist left. Meanwhile, a debate played out amongst social democrats about the apparent ‘embourgeoisement’ of parts of Labour’s electoral base

The Labour Party’s Trajectory

If there is one book I would recommend to people trying to understand the British Labour party, it is Interpreting the Labour Party (2003) which explores the hidden assumptions of the leading interpreters of the party – authors such as Anderson, Coates, Giddens, Marquand, Miliband, Minkin, Morgan, Nairn, Pantich and Pelling,

The opening chapter of the book Understanding Labour’s ideological trajectory probably offers the best overview of the struggle for the party’s soul which has characterised the party in the post-war period.

The party suffered in the 1970s when a mixture of inflation and public debt caused it to seek damaging assistance from the IMF – and even Mitterands’s France was forced to a shameful reversal of economic strategy. The irony is that it is the Conservative party which generally makes a mess of the economy with the role of the Labour party often being to recue the country from the damage austerity has inflicted on the country. Political Economy and the Labour Party by Noel Thompson (2003) throws a very helpful light on the different strands and phases which the party has been through in the past century – at least until 2003.

1 Marxism, state socialism and anarcho-communism

2 Fabian political economy

3 Guild socialism

4 Liberal socialism and the challenge to Fabianism

5 R. H. Tawney and the political economy of ethical socialism

1970–2005

14 Rethinking socialism: left-wing revisionism in the 1970s

15 Liberal socialism revised: the 1970s

16 The alternative economic strategy and after, 1972–86

17 Liberal socialism rejuvenated: the 1980s

18 Supply-side socialism: the 1990s

19 From stakeholderism to the Third Way

The Moral Economists by Tim Rogan (2017) is a rare book which does justice to a neglected aspect in analyses of the party – namely the moral considerations. I became an act -ive member of the Labour party when I was 16 or so – in 1958. Indeed I became, at University, in the early 1960s chairman of the local Young Socialist branch which led me to being invited to a session at Hugh Gaitskell’s house, then the leader of the Labour party and hung on his words at my home when he gave a couple of hostile speeches to Labour party conferences about the Common Market and unilateral disarmament. It was the moral arguments which persuaded me at the time – expressed, for example, in Tony Crosland’s “The Conservative Enemy” (1962) which, unfortunately, I can’t download and readers will have to do with a New Left riposte. “The Moral Economists” was nicely reviewed by the LRB. . 

From 1903 to 1906, Tawney lived at Toynbee Hall, where well-meaning graduates undertook 

social work in the East End of London. But, as he quickly realised, he had no aptitude for doling out ‘soup and blankets’ to the ‘demoralised’ poor of Whitechapel. Charity wasn’t a solution to the crisis of capitalism. Tawney looked instead to the newly formed Workers’ Educational Association. He moved to Manchester in 1909 and worked as a tutor in Rochdale and other places in the North-West, becoming the WEA’s president from 1929 to 1945. The WEA was distinctive in its highly decentralised organisation, supported by trade unions, the co-operative movement and the Labour Party. Tawney supported its paternalistic aim of neutralising class conflict, a mission resented by Marxist critics. Many of its students, however, found the experience politically energising. Tawney’s admiration for the working-class solidarity he found in these Northern industrial towns was so great that during the First World War he joined up as a private in a Pals battalion, returning to Manchester after being wounded at the Somme. His reflections in Religion and the Rise of Capitalism on the discrepancy between the medieval social order and atomised modernity were informed by his experience of the differences between Lancashire and London.
In 1948, Thompson moved to Halifax with his wife, Dorothy, to work as a tutor in history and English for the extramural department at the University of Leeds. The subject and approach of “The Making of the English Working Class” reflect the time he spent there. 
Its opening chapter on the London Corresponding Society of the 1790s described a radical working-class coterie of the sort Thompson admired. But the majority of the book is about the wool croppers and artisan craftsmen of the towns and villages of the West Riding of Yorkshire. In the culture, idioms and, most important, the solidarity of his students, Thompson detected the legacy of their ancestors, those who became class conscious as a result of the Industrial and French Revolutions.
Polanyi also taught for the WEA in London and for the Oxford extramural department in 
the 1930s, but according to Rogan, Polanyi’s Damascene conversion occurred when he fled Hungary for Austria following the failed revolution of 1919. He arrived in ‘Red Vienna’, where a new autonomous municipal government run by the Social Democratic Workers’ Party was pioneering reforms in health and education. Polanyi saw this as a truly democratic form of socialism. Living with his new wife in a rundown area and teaching economics, he began to believe that ‘an alternative to Wilsonian and Leninist principles of social order was conceivable’. 
Postwar Austria was flooded with British relief workers, interested in the latest trends in social thought. Because of them, Polanyi read and admired Tawney and other British critics of capitalism. The admiration became mutual. Tawney wrote an article for the New Statesman in November 1935 in which he cited Polanyi as a thinker who linked Christianity and popular communism through ‘an idea of human personality’.

The three books offered different chronologies of the rise of capitalism.

In Tawney’s version, the process took place in the period 1540-1640. The Protestant 

Reformation displaced a medieval society in which ‘economics is still a branch of ethics

 … the appeal of theorists is to natural law, not to utility; the legitimacy of economic 

transactions is tried by reference, less to the movements of the market, than to moral standards derived from the traditional teaching of the Christian church.’ The dissolution of the monasteries created a market for land and employment. It was every man for himself (and this was a male world; family ties were also increasingly separated from economic life). The individualising ethos of Calvinism and Puritanism secularised economics, resulting in ‘the new science of Political Arithmetic’, which ignored or eroded the social bonds that had been upheld by religious and moral obligations.

Polanyi and Thompson located the origins of free-market economics much later
, during the Enlightenment.
In Polanyi’s view, laissez-faire peaked in England with the introduction in 1834 of the New Poor Law, a punitive welfare system influenced by utilitarian ideas of efficiency and Malthus’s theories of population control. 
In Thompson’s account, English society had originally been governed predominantly by a 
‘moral economy’ based on age-old ideas of a just price and a fair wage, enacted through 
negotiation, customary regulations and tradition. During the French wars, however, economic elites became increasingly enamoured of the laissez-faire political philosophy of Adam Smith’s Wealth of Nations (1776). Landowners enclosed common land, and employers took on unskilled labour and introduced machinery, transforming skilled workers into ‘hands’, subject to the whims of the free market. This process was intensified by government withdrawal from regulation of the new industrial economy, including the repeal of the Elizabethan legislation which controlled the number of apprentices and set piece rates for cloth. During the Napoleonic Wars, Thompson complained, ‘almost the entire paternalist code was swept away.’

One book remains to which I will try to do justice in the next post

A superb 4 hour video about Labour - the wilderness years can be viewed here

THE DECLINE OF POLITICAL PARTIES

It was just over a decade ago that the (rare Coalition) government asked the British public whether they wanted to change the First Past the Post electoral system and its citizens (by a 2/3 margin) gave a resounding NO – thus losing the opportunity to loosen the grip the the Conservative and Labourl parties (uniquely) have on the British mind. Virtually all European countries have very different electoral systems which value consensus and lead to coalitions. But European citizens have, since 2000, become very cynical of politicians – and Britain is no exception

The previous post looked at the influence Harold Laski had on the Labour Party in the interwar years. Parties are elusive animals – difficult to pin down as the famous parable about the elephant and the blind men recounts. But political parties have a very clear purpose which I tried to explain in a 1977 article

The modern political party is a creature of a pluralist society - in this role its function is to:

• recruit political leaders

• represent communitygrievances, demands etc.

• implement party programmes - which may or may not be consistent with those community demands.

• extend public insight - by both media coverage of inter-party conflict and intraparty dialogue - into the nature of governmental decision-making (such insights can, of course, either defuse or inflame grievances!)

• protect decision-makers from the temptations and uncertainties of decision-making.

These days, they probably perform only the first and fourth of these roles – which perhaps accounts for the public cynicism which Peter Mair explored in this 2006 article in NLR developed, after Mair’s too early death into the seminal Ruling the Void book of 2013.. And the two British parties are torn by profound internal divisions – with the right-wing elements in both having so far won out. Today’s post continues the focus on the Labour party and will use 4 books which have appeared in the past couple of decades to give a sense of those divisions. The first and last titles, it should be noted, are the only ones which offer a compendium of views – the others are written by sole authors and reflect, as a result, a rather partial view.

Title	Takeaway
Interpreting the Labour Party ed Callaghan et al (2003)	Useful about the period from the 1970s to  the new millennium
Political Economy and the Labour Party Noel Thompson (2003)	Excellent on the different strands and phases  of the party
The Moral Economists Tim Rogan (2017)	Fascinating study of people such as Tawney  and EP Thompson
Rethinking Labour’s Past ed Matt Yeowell (2022)	Seems a very useful stock-taking

The next post will try to give a more critical appraisal of each of the books

An Inspiring but neglected UK Intellectual of the early 20thC

It was Horia-Roman Patapeivici‘s praise of the clarity of Harold Laski’s A grammar of politics (published in 1925) which set me off yesterday in pursuit of the giants of the British Labour movement who are all too rarely celebrated. I’ve selected several figures, starting with Laski – GDH Cole and RH Tawney being older inspirational figures to whom I hope to do justice in future posts.

Laski was born in 1893, got himself married at the age of 18 (to an older academic), graduated with first class Honours from Oxford University in 1914 but failed his military physical and took an academic position (in history) at McGill University in Canada in 1916 – also lecturing at Harvard whose Law Review he edited, making many highly-placed American friends.

Returning to the UK in 1920, he was made Professor of Political Science at the LSE in 1926 – by which times he had published several popular books

“promoting pluralism, especially in the essays collected in “Studies in the Problem of Sovereignty” (1917), “Authority in the Modern State” (1919), and “The Foundations of Sovereignty” (1921). He argued that the state should not be considered supreme since people could and should have loyalties to local organisations, clubs, labour unions and societies. The state should respect those allegiances and promote pluralism and decentralisation”

He was one of the few leftists to pay attention to the State (his student, Ralph Miliband was another) – indeed it was the very first chapter of his “Grammar of Politics” where he set out what was then the highly controversial view (for an academic) that it reflected class interests. This is a subject of considerable interest to me and I was sad to see that the classic work in the field – Bob Jessop’s The State – past, present future (2016) fails to mention Laski – even in the index.

In a highly insightful memory of Laski, Miliband put it very well

It is his treatment of these themes which gave Laski so remarkable an influence on the intellectual configuration of his times. For a period of some twenty-five years, Laski contributed more to the discussion of the meaning and challenge of Socialism than any other English Socialist. From 1925, when his Grammar of Politics was published, until his death in 1950, countless men and women were given a new insight into the problems of their times because they heard or read Laski.

Miliband went on, in the same essay to argue that

"The Grammar of Politics" is one of the most comprehensive attempts ever made by an English Socialist to give concrete meaning to the ideals of the Labour Party. Sidney Webb, who was not given to exuberant praise, called it a 'great book'.4 The modem reader is unlikely to go quite so far, not least because so many of the ideas of the Grammar have now been accepted as part of the common currency of contemporary thought. But there can be no doubt that it remains one of the few fundamental 'texts' of English Socialism.

Laski was, by all accounts, an inspiring lecturer (many of his students later becoming leaders of newly-independent nations) and I particularly enjoyed his own admission that he owed that to his early experience of lecturing to soldiers during the Great War. I know from my own experience in the late 1960s how valuable it is to have your academic language knocked out of you by no-nonsense citizens.

Although he became a Labour activist when he returned to the UK, he turned down an offer of a parliamentary seat and one in the House of Lords in the early 1920s and became a left-wing critic (not averse to using revolutionary language) - chairing the Labour Party Conference in 1944 and becoming its chair 1945-46 where he earned the stern rebuke from Atlee that “a period of silence from you would be most welcome”

FURTHER READING – the following are, for me, more accessible texts than “The Grammar”

The Foundations of Sovereignty Harold Laski 1921

The State in Theory and Practice Harold LASKI 1923

The Limitations of the Expert a short and fascinating article by Laski (Fabian Society 1931)

The danger of being a gentleman – and other essays; Harold Laski 1939

Reflections on the Revolution of our Time Harold Laski 1947