I
have been collecting various links on the subject of old age – being very aware
of how many of my erstwhile heroes had reached (and surpassed) the critical age
of 90 eg Denis Healey, Diane Athill and Helmut Schmidt.
I
had confidently expected Tony Benn to join their ranks – but have just learned
that he has been struck down at 88
How to explain this maverick left-wing British politician to my global
audience?
·
First
that he was quintessentially English in background – his grandfather founding a famous publishing company. This privileged background gave his socialism a slightly artificial tone - despite its undoubted genuineness (his family came from non-conformist stock). He never really "belonged"......
Benn became a (Labour) parliamentarian in 1950 (before I came
to political maturity a decade or so later) and was a technocratic Minister in
the Labour governments of the late 1960s. His famous
Diaries, which he started in 1942, give a unique perspective
about (if not insight into) our political culture in those days.
·
After
the Labour defeat of 1970, reflecting perhaps wider social changes, something
changed in him and he became increasingly left-wing and a real thorn in the power system of the Labour Party. He developed (with
Stuart Holland) an alternative economic strategy and was the catalyst for the
split from the party of the “social democrat” wing led by Roy Jenkins which
then doomed the Labour party to 18 wasted years. I famously shared a political
platform at the Port Glasgow shipyards with him in 1978 during the
highly-charged referendum about a Scottish Parliament.
·
I
had been a great admirer until then but felt that he had “lost the plot” as he
threw his lot in with the “wild left”. In retrospect, however, the right who
took control of the rump of the Labour party were hardly any better!
He was, as The Guardian editorial put it,
one of the most charismatic, most controversial, most inspirational and most divisive public figures of the second half of the 20th century. He evolved into one of the great political educators, a role to which he was ideally suited by his personal charm, his sense of humour, his passionate interest in new people and new ideas, and his profound commitment to the importance of politics. Long after he stopped being a player at the top table of politics, he fired new generations with an interest in how power works. Unlike many of his contemporaries, there is no doubt that he will always be remembered.
Let
his obituary tell the story -
·
When
Labour lost the 1979 general election, Benn was well placed to assume the
leadership of the left, and began to propose constitutional changes to give
greater representation to the views of activists and trade unionists in
drafting the manifesto and in selecting MPs. Militant and other Trotskyite
groups who had perfected techniques of entryism sponsored the resolutions on
party reform. Two very different groups were now following Benn. On the one
hand there were revolutionaries of various kinds, many of whom wanted to
destroy capitalism and did not mind killing off the Labour party in the
process. On the other, Labour's left wing felt disappointed and betrayed by what
they saw as the failures of the party's five years in office. The more progress
Benn made with his demands for reform, the greater the possibility of a split
became. When Callaghan resigned the leadership in 1980, Benn came close to
running against Foot, but decided to stay his hand.
·
Despite
Foot's passionate appeal to unity, Benn did stand against Denis Healey in the
September 1981 election for the deputy leadership. Healey won, under the
reformed system that Benn had championed, by less than 0.5%. This margin was
accounted for by some of the MPs who would soon be leaving for the Social Democratic
party, launched the previous March – though others of this group actually voted
for Benn in the hope that he would win.
·
Labour
began the long, hard climb back to power. The left of the party split – the
Tribune group backing Foot and later Neil Kinnock and Benn setting up his own
Campaign group in 1982. He declared the 1983 election a triumph because never
before had so many people – 27.6% – voted for a socialist programme. Foot
managed to keep Labour in the game, and when Kinnock took over after the election
the high tide of Bennism had been reached. It took a decade to roll it back
completely, but Benn's realistic challenge for the leadership was over.
In
1987 the first volume of his diaries appeared, covering the period 1963-67.
Subsequent volumes then appeared almost annually, covering the whole of his
career. At the same time Benn began to present more and more reform bills to
the Commons. He did not do things by accident. The switch from trying to
capture the party to producing an endless flood of words, in bills, the
diaries, collections of essays, videos of speeches, CDs, DVDs, through websites
and in semi-authorised biographies formed the great project that filled out his
final years.
In
response to the flood of his own words the public's perception of him shifted.
Much of what he said was highly critical of the Blair governments and the
European Union. He appealed to the anti-war movement, the anti-globalisation
movement and Ukip supporters in about equal measure. Benn's self-image remained
stubbornly self-confident: as he once said: "It's the same each time with
progress. First they ignore you, then they say you're mad, then dangerous, then
there's a pause and then you can't find anyone who disagrees with you."
He
had half a century in parliament. Then he had an Indian summer as a national
radical treasure, the Home Counties' favourite revolutionary. He will be
remembered as a great parliamentarian, a great radical and a great diarist. He
will be forgotten as a practical politician and a political thinker. In
the end his reputation will be significantly greater than the sum of his
achievements because of the vast archive he accumulated and the quality of his
diaries. He was like Samuel Pepys – someone who described an age without ever
having shaped it – and is remembered for his words rather than his deeds and by
many for his personal kindness and generosity with time and conversation.
The Guardian editorial put it very well -
Like
his Puritan heroes, Tony Benn belongs in the great tradition of English
revolutionaries – a passionate radical destined to be loved in popular memory
for his defence of democracy and freedom, whose passing leaves the political
world a smaller place.
There is a streak of madness in all who stand for office - and there was a time when I felt that the messianic streak in Benn had got out of hand. To understand him properly requires understanding the tradition he came from - ie the radical,Christian non-conformist tradition of the
Levellers,the diggers,the Quakers and Methodists,RH Tawney,Kier Hardie and
Stafford Cripps. He once said:
''My
mother taught me that the Bible was about the Kings who had power and the
Prophets who preached rightousness.She taught me to be on the side of the
Prophets and I have always tried to do that although it has got me into a lot
of trouble''