what you get here

This is not a blog which opines on current events. It rather uses incidents, books (old and new), links and papers to muse about our social endeavours.
So old posts are as good as new! And lots of useful links!

The Bucegi mountains - the range I see from the front balcony of my mountain house - are almost 120 kms from Bucharest and cannot normally be seen from the capital but some extraordinary weather conditions allowed this pic to be taken from the top of the Intercontinental Hotel in late Feb 2020

Saturday, August 31, 2024

Class in British writing

What a joy to listen to interviews with working-class writers – whether on the subject of climate change or inequality. And to read books not written by middle-class wankers with clipped accents! Class is one of the barriers I’ve referred to when I’ve argued that being an outsider helps one be a creative writer. If you’re in a middle-class bubble, you simply don’t see the world as it really is! Happily I was saved from such a fate by my membership of the Labour party in my teens and being a Labour councillor for 22 years. Having regular sessions with Clydeside Tenant Associations soon knocks any nonsense out of you!

I viewed 2 videos yesterday – both about books whose authors are proud to 
acknowledge their working class background. The first with Chris Shaw about 
his new book Liberalism and the challenge of climate change which has the 
additional attraction of being only 149 pages long! The very first words in the 
Preface give you a sense of what you are in for -

This book makes a quite obvious point; the language we use and the stories we tell reflect our particular social and historical circumstances. The stories we hear about the solutions to climate change reflect the social and historical experiences of the liberal middle classes of the global North. They are stories intended to reproduce the privilege of the storytellers. I am writing from a subaltern position within the global North, that of someone who grew up in a family who struggled financially and a family with no experience of higher education.

So, the middle-class world has always felt something of an ‘other’ to me. I am not of the middle-class world.

Not being of that world has provided me with an outsider’s perspective on middle-class ownership of climate change campaigning and communication. This book is the viewpoint of someone stood at the window, looking in. I believe Cormac McCarthy once said that people write in lieu of blowing up the world. That feels an apt description of the motivation for this book. I am not a happy voyeur. Whilst I might characterise the middle classes as complacent in the normal run of affairs, and vicious when their privilege is threatened, I must also own up the anger that motivates the writing of this book. That anger is, I suppose, in some part the resentment of someone who has been turned away from the party, who feels not wanted. Yet also, the anger reflects the feeling of being lied to. Lies are easy to justify, easy to live with when you are the one doing the lying. Lies are more difficult to swallow as the one being deceived.

Shaw works at the University of Sussex (he’s Head of Research of Climate 
Outreach) and has worked in the field of climate change communication for 
over 15 years. I have only started the book but it is already making 
me see the world differently. 
By comparison leftist Brett Christophers whose The Price is Wrong - capitalism 
won't save the planet comes across as rather technocratic in this video.  
The second video was with Darren McGarvey who published last year 
The Social Distance Between Us – how remote politics wrecked Britain
whose writing process he describes in this LRB blog. And a podcast called 
Trigger-nometry has a good interview with him here (just have the patience to 
wait for one minute). Clicking the book’s title links to a rather sniffy Guardian 
review which suggests that -

the book’s key theme, which McGarvey wraps up in the term “proximity”, is the fact 
that even at a local level, power tends to operate far away from the people it kicks 
around and manipulates. When it comes to the central state, moreover, decision-making 
turns even more cold and cruel, largely because in Westminster and Whitehall, the 
domination of political and administrative matters by privileged cliques is at its worst. 
Whether the people concerned are “posh politicians who’ve never tasted desperation” 
or “thin-skinned idealists, too short in the tooth to understand the real world”, 
McGarvey insists that their actions are usually based on groundless assumptions and 
false beliefs. What we really need, therefore, is a return of the kind of rooted working
-class voices that might reorientate government towards everyday reality: an update 
of the spirit of Aneurin Bevan, rather than more George Osbornes, David Camerons 
and Boris Johnsons. But even starting such a turnaround will be a huge and onerous task. 

All of which brings us back to the question of CLASS – a subject which Brits 
are notoriously reluctant to talk about. But, as usual, outsiders can bring a fresh 
(and amusing) perspective - first a French woman Social Classes in Britain 
Isabelle Licari-Guillaume (2019) and then Hiroko Tomida with The history and 
development of the English class system (2009) which contains this recap of 
1960s David Frost skit

The following lines are worth quoting.

the tallest man: I look down on him (indicates the man in the middle) because I am upper class.

the man in the middle: I look up to him (the tallest man) because he is upper class; but I look down on him (the smallest man) because he is lower-class. I am middle class.

the shortest man: I know my place. I look up to them both. But I dont look up to him (the man in the middle) as much as I look up to him (the tallest man), because he has got innate breeding.

the tallest man: I have got innate breeding, but I have not got any money. So sometimes I look up to him (the man in the middle).

the man in the middle: I still look up to him (the tallest man) because although I have money, I am vulgar. But I am not as vulgar as him (the shortest man) so I still look down on him (the shortest man).

the shortest man: I know my place. I look up to them both; but while I am poor, I am honest, industrious and trustworthy. Had I the inclination, I could look down on them. But I dont.

the man in the middle: We all know our place, but what do we get out of it?

the tallest man: I get a feeling of superiority over them.

the man in the middle: I get a feeling of inferiority from him (the tallest man), but a feeling of superiority over him (the shortest man).

the shortest man: I get a pain in the back of my neck.

For more serious analyses of the situation I recommend
Class in Britain David Cannadine (2000)
Who Rules Britain? John Scott (1991) 

Friday, August 30, 2024

A CONFESSION

I was slightly distracted when I wrote the last post - by the English poet Philip Larkin whose book The Complete Poems of Philip Larkin (ed Archie Burnett 2012) I had pulled down from the shelves and started to read – leading me in turn to download both it and two others about the poet  

of his poems and more a commentary on his work.
hardly the most fascinating of reads being letters to his mum and sister but does contain some of his wonderful cartoon sketches
Larkin was the poet who wrote Annus Mirabilis which begins

Sexual intercourse began
In nineteen sixty-three
(which was rather late for me) -
Between the end of the "Chatterley" ban
And the Beatles' first LP.

The last post may have created some confusion in readers between the State 
(as an inanimate object - which continues to fascinate me) and the government 
of the day – about which I am much less interested. It’s passing strange that 
the State arouses so little interest amongst citizens. You would have thought 
that an organisation which controls such a large part of our lives and manages 
such a huge budget would have been of interest. But it’s the Government of the 
day that attracts the attention and ire rather than the functions of the state
and the recent debate about the DEEP STATE (in right-wing circles)  is little 
more than a gross oversimplification. To help readers, I’ve extracted this list of
books about the state from one of the Annexes to the current draft of my The
Search for Democracy – a long journey 
review article (Comparative Politics vol 16 no 2 Stephen Krasner 1984) From the late 1950s until the mid-1970s the term state virtually disappeared from the professional academic lexicon. Political scientists wrote about government, political development, interest groups, voting, legislative behavior, leadership and bureaucratic politics, almost everything but "the state." However, in the last decade "the state" has reappeared in the literature. If you are feeling very adventurous, I would try two short articles - Stuart Hall’The State in Question” (1984) or David Held’s “Central Perspectives on the Modern State (1984)

Thursday, August 29, 2024

RUMINATIONS ON WHAT THE STATE CAN AND CAN’T DO

Twitter was alive yesterday with the aftermath of Monday’s big speech from the UK PM about the grim actions needed to repair the 22 billion deficit left from the Conservatives (whoever said they managed the economy well?? The Labour party generally is left inheriting their mess)

This has brought into focus the question of whether states actually need to 
balance their budgets. Economists such as David Blanchflower and Richard Murphy 
are amongst those who take a different view, supporting the work of Stephanie 
Kelton in her The Deficit Myth – Modern Monetary Theory and the birth of 
the people’s economy (2020) which she presented (with useful slides) in a 
discussion a few years ago with the OECD. It’s not an easy topic to get your 
head around and I found this a good objective presentation 

But it takes me back to a more fundamental question which has been exercising 
me for the past couple of decades – namely the limits on state capacity. 
Recent posts from Aurelien and crazed Dominic Cummings on this coincided 
with this more positive post from Paul Cairney about a new vision for UK government.
Cairney’s post references a 2021 article of his which has, at the end, a link to 
a contemporary story of policy” which links in turn to a fantastic article on  
Ostrom and the bright side of public service” which superbly summarises the 
entire literature on government failures and suggests a way forward.
It’s hardly surprising that some 50 years of neoliberalism have seriously dented 
the capacity of the State. But it’s taken some time for us to notice the combined 
effects of privatisation and Austerity on the British State.  
I’m loathe to credit Cummings with anything since he was the brains behind 
Brexit and also the key political adviser not only to Michael Grove (when he was 
Education Minister) but also to Boris Johnson (before becoming one of his bitterest
 critics). But the man blogs interestingly eg
almost all large organisations incentivise (largely implicitly/unconsciously) preserving 
existing power structures and budgets, preventing system adaptation, fighting against 
the eternal lessons of high performance excluding most talent, and maintaining 
exactly the thing that in retrospect will be seen as the cause of the disaster. 
Large organisations naturally train everyone who gets promoted to align themselves 
with this dynamic: dissent is weeded out. Anybody pointing out ‘we’re heading for an 
iceberg’ is ‘mad’, ‘psychopath’, ‘weirdo’ — and is quickly removed. And even the very 
occasional odd characters who a) see, b) are able to act and c) have the moral courage 
to act are highly constrained in what they can do given the nature of large institutions 
and the power of the forces they confront. (Even Bismarck in 1871-5 or Stalin in the 
1930s, more powerful than anybody else in their country, were highly constrained in 
their ability to shape forces like automation, though they could help or hinder their 
particular country’s adaptation


Even Boris Johnson was forced to put his pen to an admission of failure when 
he allowed this Declaration on Government Reform published in 2021, before 
his ignominious resignation. In 2024 this note on a New Vision for the UK government
 was published by the Academy of Social Sciences 
Positive Public Policy embraces a range of approaches aiming to facilitate effective 
government and policymaking. Some are relatively new while others have been discussed 
and studied for decades without realising their full potential. These include the 
concept of the strategic state, systems-thinking, place-based approaches, evidence
-informed government, public participation, and behavioural public policy. 
What connects these approaches is (i) an appreciation of the complexity and 
inter-connected nature of policy contexts, (ii) a belief in the capacity of collective 
action to address shared challenges, and (iii) a commitment to the collection, synthesis 
and application of different forms of knowledge. Each has been tested and is 
underpinned by an accumulation of evidence – including, good practice, frameworks, 
case studies, and policy learning – and together they provide a coherent reform 
agenda and a fresh portfolio of ways of designing and delivering high-performing 
public policy.
Years of instability in UK government have eroded underlying capacity for reform. 
The General Election will be conducted against the backdrop of financial stress 
across government, and no reform is cost-free. Will an incoming government give 
priority to getting its own house in order? And taking the leap of faith reform 
requires? Positive Public Policy embodies the vision of real change to drive change 
to address the significant social, economic and environmental challenges we face. 
It provides a range of approaches, tools and methods for designing and delivering 
effective public policy, and the clear, coherent and sustainable story of reform 
required to lower barriers to change and to leveraging resources.
What we need is the political will and sustained capacity to trial and test the insights 
of Positive Public Policy in a UK context, and this in turn calls for investment in 
connective and catalysing engagement opportunities between researchers and 
policymakers. There’s an urgent need to connect the positive public policy academic 
community with practitioners at scale in order to help constitute the policymaking 
tools that governments can use as they grapple with the ‘art of the possible’ to 
translate lofty ideals into practices that might work in their own context. 
Now is the time to attract and devote resources towards trialling, tracking and 
evaluating experimentation in more future-oriented, holistic, and more participatory 
approaches to government.
Quite a few mouthfuls there!!

See also “Pathways to Positive Public Administration”  a book scheduled to 
come out in October 2024. The opening chapter is here; and the second here