One of the questions which
nags away at me is why “progressives” don’t spend more time trying to seek a
consensus agenda which can halt the downward spiral into which our societies
have plunged since the 1970s.
Since the global crisis, it
has been obvious (to most) that the economy (if not society) was broken –
trouble is that people could not agree what the causes were. Energies ( and
time) were wasted in parading "the usual scapegoats".
But there was too ready an
assumption that those responsible would be contrite and change their behavior;
and/or that governments would enact strong measures (in the style of the Roosevelt
New Deal of the 30s). Only slowly did it seem to dawn on people that, far from slamming
the brakes on, corporate power and the political class were driving
relentlessly on – imbued, it appears, with an ideological fervor for what,
rightly or wrongly, we call neo-liberalism. Colin Crouch dealt with this
question in 2011 in his The Strange Non-Death of Neo-Liberalism - although the book it a bit theoretical.
Philip Morowski gives a more trenchant (and political) explanation for the survival of the neo-liberal dogma in his Never Let a Serious Crisis Go to Waste (2013) - arguing that progressives have failed to understand that the neo-liberal rhetoric about the market cloaks a continued build-up of state power (bolstering corporate interests).
Philip Morowski gives a more trenchant (and political) explanation for the survival of the neo-liberal dogma in his Never Let a Serious Crisis Go to Waste (2013) - arguing that progressives have failed to understand that the neo-liberal rhetoric about the market cloaks a continued build-up of state power (bolstering corporate interests).
The economists have had
at least six years to publish their analyses of the process of collapse; to
identify the reasons and to suggest measures – both rectifying and preventive. Most serious accounts look at
least 15 causes….and the guy was chairman of the British Financial Regulatory
body actually produced 39!
But, as Morowski argues, the vast bulk of economists adhere to a fallacious doctrine and are incapable of producing relevant prescriptions.
But, as Morowski argues, the vast bulk of economists adhere to a fallacious doctrine and are incapable of producing relevant prescriptions.
Immediately someone puts his
or head above the parapet and suggests concrete actions, they are labelled and
dismissed. – whether by those in power or, more discouragingly, by other
progressives. This presumably is one reason why such voices are rare.
But there must be other reasons which discourage the mass of discontented people from uniting under a common banner.
Most people are confused;
some are just skeptical if not fatalistic; but a significant number of highly
educated people are infected, I suspect, by the social disease of individualism
which lies, I feel, at the heart of our malaise.
We simply no longer believe in the possibility of effective collective action. And too many of the big names who write the tracts about the global crisis present their analyses and prescriptions with insufficient reference to the efforts of others. They have to market their books – and themselves – and, by that very act, alienate others who could be their comrades in arms. For example, I'm just beginning to look at David Harvey's latest book - Seventeen Contradictions and the End of Capitalism - and can see no mention of alternative ways of dealing with the crisis.
That’s why I suggested that
Henry Mintzberg was one of the few people who seemed able to help create such a
consensus - a set of minimum requirements. He is a management guru from whom one does not readily expect to
hear the message that the world has gone mad. More usually management theorists
celebrate the bosses. But Mintzberg (like the discipline’s founder, Peter
Drucker) know enough about the real world of business to know when things have
got out of hand.
I am not a fan of Malcolm
Gladwell but his popularisations have included the important notion of the Tipping Point
Gladwell suggested (in 2010)
that there were three key factors which determine whether an idea or fashion
will “tip” into wide-scale popularity - the Law of the Few, the Stickiness
Factor, and the Power of Context.
The “Law of the Few” proposes
that a few key types of people must champion an idea, concept, or product
before it can reach the tipping point.
Gladwell describes these key types as Connectors,
Mavens, and Salesmen. (And a maven – in case you didn’t know - is a trusted
expert in a particular field, who seeks to pass knowledge on to others. The word
maven comes from the Hebrew, via Yiddish, and means one who understands, based
on an accumulation of knowledge).
If individuals representing
all three of these groups endorse and advocate a new idea, it is much more
likely that it will tip into exponential success. The other 2 concepts are,
frankly, not so well dealt with – and need to go the wider literature of change management and social marketing to get the whole picture.
Of course we are still missing the "shared agenda" - the identification of which requires a "maven-like" character. And then the networkers and the organisers.
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