what you get here

This is not a blog which opines on current events. It rather uses incidents, books (old and new), links and papers to muse about our social endeavours.
So old posts are as good as new! And lots of useful links!

The Bucegi mountains - the range I see from the front balcony of my mountain house - are almost 120 kms from Bucharest and cannot normally be seen from the capital but some extraordinary weather conditions allowed this pic to be taken from the top of the Intercontinental Hotel in late Feb 2020

Wednesday, October 16, 2024

Why is the English Establishment so Zionist?

The good news is that an Employment Tribunal has upheld Professor David 
Miller’s plea of unfair dismissal against Bristol University on the grounds that 
he was perfectly entitled to use arguments of anti-Zionism. 
The full judgement (of 120 pages) can be read here 

The unanimous judgment of the tribunal is:

  1. The claimant’s anti-Zionist beliefs qualified as a philosophical belief and as a protected characteristic pursuant to section 10 Equality Act 2010 at the material times.

  2. The claimant succeeds in claims of direct discrimination because of his philosophical belief contrary to section 13 Equality Act 2010 in relation to:

  3. The claimant succeeds in his claim for unfair dismissal pursuant to section 98 Employment Rights Act 1996.

  4. The claimant succeeds in his claim for wrongful dismissal (failure to pay notice).

  5. The claim for indirect discrimination is dismissed on withdrawal.

Professor Miller’s dismissal stemmed from a lecture in 2019 about which 2 Jewish students complained in which he identified Zionism as one of the five pillars of Islamophobia, the panel heard. The Community Security Trust, which campaigns against antisemitism, said Miller’s remarks were a “disgraceful slur”. According to one of few newspapers which bothered to cover the case

A review commissioned by the university found Miller had no case 
to answer because he did not express hatred towards Jews. In an 
email to the university’s student newspaper sent in February 2021 
Miller said: “Zionism is and always has been a racist, violent, 
imperialist ideology premised on ethnic cleansing.” In the message 
he also claimed the university’s Jewish Society was an “Israel 
lobby group”.
A separate review found these statements had been offensive to 
many, and in a hearing they were found to be “wrong and inappropriate”. 
He was then sacked for gross misconduct, the panel heard.

One prominent Conservative ex-Minister (Sir Alan Duncan) found 
himself being accused by his own party of anti-semisitism this year and, 
after being cleared, went on to express his view that the party was in the grip of 
a strong Israeli lobby - 
At a press conference in central London, Duncan went on to 
repeat his accusation that his party remained unduly influenced 
by people lobbying on behalf of the Israeli government. 
Money, improper influence, and the promotion of Israeli 
interests above our own have contributed to the destruction 
of the UK’s independent foreign policy,” he said, adding: 
“The flow of money and the influence behind the scenes that 
attaches to it need to be exposed.” (and here's his recent 
tweet about the scale of the Foreign Office capture by 
theIsraeli lobby


Many Labour party Mps – including Starmer, Reeves and Lammy – have 
received thousands of pounds from that lobby which has actually placed 
assistants within the party. The scale of the lobby’s power is revealed in 
this long Open Democracy report from 2009 
 
The presence of an Israel lobby as a factor in British public life is 
systematically ignored in British reporting. For example, a search of 
the newspaper database Lexis Nexis showed there have been only 154 
mentions of the Conservative Friends of Israel in the British press, 
the first of which was apparently on 22 September 1985. 
By contrast The Tobacco Manufacturers Association enjoyed 1,083 citations 
during the same period, and the Scotch Whisky Association no fewer 
than 2,895. The Conservative Party donor Michael Ashcroft has been the 
subject of 2,239 articles over the comparable time period, and the 
1922 Committee of Tory backbenchers got over 3,000. 
The purpose of this pamphlet is to enquire whether this paucity 
of public coverage is indeed a reflection of the real influence of the 
pro-Israel lobby in British government 

One national newspaper editor told us, “that’s one lobby I’ve never dared 
to take on.” From MPs, to senior BBC journalists and representatives of 
Britain’s largest charities, the pattern became depressingly familiar. 
Material would come flooding out on the phone or in a meeting, but then 
days later an email would arrive to say that they would not be able to 
take part. One MP taunted the authors that we would never “have the guts” 
to make a television programme about the pro-Israel lobby. It was, 
he told us, “the most powerful lobby by far in parliament. It’s a big story. 
If you have any balls you’ll make a programme about it.” 
When we returned to the MP later on to ask if he would talk to us on the 
record, he felt unable to come forward and do so. One front bench 
Conservative MP was so paranoid he insisted we remove the battery from 
our mobile phones to ensure our privacy during the conversation. 
It was only senior MPs whose careers are winding down that felt able 
 to voice what many MPs told us in private. One of them, 
Michael Mates, a member of the Intelligence and Security Committee 
and former Northern Ireland minister, told us on the record that 
“the pro-Israel lobby is the most powerful political lobby. 
There’s nothing to touch them.” 
Mates added: “I think their lobbying is done very discreetly, in very high 
places, which may be why it is so effective.” 
Some journalists we spoke to had been accused of antisemitism, and felt 
inevitably it had done some damage to their careers. Others, like the 
BBC’s Orla Guerin, against whom this very serious and damaging charge 
has repeatedly been made by the Israeli government, wouldn’t even talk 
to us off the record. It is easy enough to see why. Guerin is a brave, 
honest and compassionate reporter. Yet the Israeli government has 
repeatedly complained to the BBC that Guerin is “antisemitic” and 
showed “total identification with the goals and methods of Palestinian 
terror groups.” 
Natan Sharansky, a cabinet minister at the time, wrote a formal letter 
to the BBC  accusing her of “such a gross double standards to the Jewish 
state, it is difficult to see Ms Guerin’s report as anything but antisemitic”. 
The following year, when Guerin was awarded with an MBE for her reporting
, Sharansky said: “It is very sad that something as important as antisemitism 
is not taken into consideration when issuing this award, especially in 
Britain where the incidents of antisemitism are on the rise.” Officially 
sanctioned smears like this show why so many people shy away from 
confronting the influence of the Israel lobby. 
The former Conservative Party chairman and shadow foreign secretary, 
Michael Ancram, who is standing down as an MP at the next general 
election, did have the courage to talk to us. He told us that he had 
been accused of antisemitism “because I’ve been talking to Hamas and 
Hezbollah. I just take that with a pinch of salt.” The accusation of 
antisemitism even touches the least likely of people. Antony Lerman, a 
man steeped in Jewish culture and history, who has worked for much of 
his career combating antisemitism, was labelled “a nasty anti-Semite
on a website designed to expose antisemitism on The Guardian’s website, 
for an article he wrote during the making of the film. He told us: “I think 
there are people who are deliberately manipulating the use of the term 
antisemitism because they do see that it’s useful in defending Israel.”
The Conservative Friends of Israel is beyond doubt the best connected, 
and probably the best funded, of all Westminster lobbying groups. 
Eighty percent of Conservative MPs are members. The leader of the 
Conservative Party is often expected to appear at their events, while 
the shadow foreign secretary and his team are subjected to persistent 
pressure by the CFI. 

Labour Friends of Israel has taken more MPs on trips than any other 
group. Only the CFI comes close. Since 2001, the LFI has arranged more than 
sixty free trips for MPs. LFI and CFI trips combined account for over 
13% of all funded trips for MPs and candidates. That’s more trips to Israel, 
a country with a population smaller than London’s, than to Europe, 
America or Africa. Even in America, where the pro-Israel lobby is 
extremely influential, trips to Israel account for only ten percent of all 
politicians’ foreign trips.
The group is similarly well connected within the party, and has regular 
meetings with David Miliband and his Foreign Office team to make Israel’s 
case. Labour MPs told us that young, ambitious MPs see a role at LFI as a 
good way to get ahead. Chairs of the LFI very often go on to become 
ministers. James Purnell and Jim Murphy, the Secretary of State for 
Scotland, are two recent chairmen. Ivan Lewis, the foreign office 
minister with responsibility for the Middle East, is a former vice-chair.
The genocide which the Israeli government is inflicting on Gaza and 
Lebanon is producing, in the UK and Europe, the largest public demonstrations. 
But the violence being shown to the demonstrators (particularly in 
Germany) reveals the strength and power of this lobby – as  
this Novara podcast reveals

UPDATES

An important article on the complicity of the MSM 

Ta-Nihisi Coates responds brilliantly here  to provocative questioning from US television about his treatment of Palestine in his new book "The Message" 

One of the two people left running for the Tory leadership, Robert Jenrick, 
has said the Star of David should be displayed at every point of entry to 
the UK to show “we stand with Israel”. He told a Conservative Friends of Israel 
event he wanted Britain to be “the most welcoming country in the world for 
Israelis and the Jewish community”. He said that, while immigration minister, 
he had pushed for Israelis travelling to Britain to be able to use e-gates. 
He said this would mean that at “every airport and point of entry to our 
great country”, there was a Star of David, as a “symbol that we support Israel

Sunday, October 13, 2024

GROUPTHINK

 The last decade has seen a new interest in a phenomenon which was last heard of some 50 years ago – with a short article by Irving Janis in 1971 paving the way for a full length book Victims of Groupthink (1972) which looked at such escapades as the Bay of Pigs to explore how leadership groups come to a consensus which labels any dissenter as a hostile voice.

Janis refined his analysis in 1991 with an analysis of the Challenger disaster 
And this was taken up in 1997 by Beyond Groupthink – political group dynamics 
and foreign policy-making (t’Hart et al)

Janis studied a number of historical fiascoes in American foreign policy, notably the lack of preparedness for the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor (1941), the escalation of the war in Korea (1950), the failed U.S.-sponsored landing of anti-Castro rebels in the Bay of Pigs (1961), and the escalation of U.S. involvement in the war in Vietnam under President Johnson (1964–68). Each of these episodes went badly: the policymakers did not achieve their major goals, massive violence and many casualties resulted, and the government suffered a serious loss of domestic and international prestige.

Based on his detailed investigation of these episodes, Janis suggested that in each of them, the major decisions that shaped the course of events were reached after insufficient and unsystematic thinking and discussion. To bring this out more clearly, he contrasted them with two cases of policy success where policies had been developed in a more rigorous process (the making of the 1947 Marshall plan and the 1962 Cuban missile crisis). Specifically, Janis argued that in each of the failure cases, the decision-making process had been distorted by what he called groupthink: a tendency toward premature and extreme concurrence-seeking within a cohesive policy-making group under stress.

But it’s the last decade which has seen a development of the concept – with 
some 4 key publications, starting with The Silo Effect Gillian Tett (2015) 
who can be seen in this presentation, initially about the global financial crisis. 

Mastering silos is a constant battle, because the world around us is

constantly changing, pulling us in two directions. We need specialist, expert

teams to function in a complex world. But we also need to have a joined-up,

flexible vision of life. Mastering silos requires us to walk a narrow line

between these two contradictory goals. It is hard.

So how do we deal with this challenge? One place to start is to recognize

that silos exist and to think clearly about their effects. And I believe that a discipline that can help us to frame the analysis and debate is anthropology. This is not a field that normally springs to mind when people think about silos. On the contrary, when people have written about silos, they have usually done so by drawing on two bodies of research: management consultants, who offer advice on how institutions can organize themselves better; or psychologists, who study how our minds work. However, silos are fundamentally a cultural phenomenon. ey arise because social groups and organizations have particular conventions about how to classify the world.

Sometimes these classification systems are explicitly defined. New York’s

City Hall has official, formal structures that stipulate how each department

and team is organized and sits in relation to each other, in a hierarchy.

However, the conventions that we use to classify the world are often not

officially defined or spelled out. Instead, they arise out of a dense set of rules, traditions, and conventions that we have absorbed from our surroundings, often in an unthinking way. Many of the really important patterns we use to classify the world, in other words, are inherited from our culture. ey exist at the borders of conscious thought and instinct. ey seem natural to us, in the same way our culture appears “normal.” So much so, that we rarely even notice them at all, or even think about the fact that we have formal and informal classification systems that shape how we respond to the world.

But it was the US/UK Iraq War which brought home to most people the dangers 
of Groupthink – with an Independent Commission asked by Gordon Brown in 2009 
to explore the lessons of the disaster, Lord Chilcot  produced no less than 12 volumes
 of some 3,200 pages, reporting in 2016. This is its Executive Summary – at 
150 pages.  Learning from the Chilcot Report Piers Robinson (2017) is a good 
detailed analysis of the report.
Hardly surprisingly, the UK Ministry of Defence – one of the perpetrators of 
the disaster, was keen to learn lessons and duly produced in 2017 
The Good Operation 

Rebel Ideas – the power of diverse thinking Matthew Syd (2019) makes an important point

We need to think of human performance not from the standpoint of the individual but from the standpoint of the group. From this more rounded perspective, we’ll see that diversity is the critical ingredient driving what we might term collective intelligence.

There are, of course, many types of diversity. Differences in gender, race, age and religion are sometimes classified under the heading ‘demographic diversity’ (or ‘identity diversity’). We will be focusing not upon demographic diversity, but cognitive diversity. That’s to say, differences in perspective, insights, experiences and thinking styles.

There is often (but not always) an overlap between these two concepts. People from different backgrounds, with different experiences, often think about problems in different ways. We will analyse the precise relationship later in the book.

Cognitive diversity was not so important a few hundred years ago, because the problems we faced tended to be linear, or simple, or separable, or all three. A physicist who can accurately predict the position of the moon doesn’t need a different opinion to help her do her job. She is already bang on the money. Any other opinion is false. This goes back to our common-sense intuition. Thinking differently is a distraction. With complex problems, however, this logic flips. Groups that contain diverse views have a huge, often decisive, advantage.


The final book worth mentioning is Groupthink – a study in self-delusion by 
Chris Booker (2020) which is a  bit of a right-wing knockabout.

Monday, October 7, 2024

An Update on Climate Change

The BLOGGER people are making such a mess of my posts that I've decided to experiment with a pdf version of this post. Just click!

https://u.pcloud.link/publink/show?code=XZVng30Z1xsqE4KBGR79cWwhlB4GlY9JRo6y






The first 2 books in the undernoted list came to my attention yesterday and made me realise that 5 years have elapsed since I offered my first ‘’RESOURCE’’ on climate changeso here’s an update

in human omnipotence and the accompaning hubris
an early and powerful attack on the damage we’re doing to the planet
(1989). McKibben was one of the early environmental writers – and this is his classic book
Elinor Ostrom (1990). Ostrom earned the Nobel prize for her work
and writer. Still worth reading almost 30 years on for the breadth of its references
from an entrepreneur and writer passionately committed to alternative energy
James Lovelock (2006). One of our most famous scientists (just turned 100) who coined 
the Gaia concept
Six Degrees – our future on a hotter planet”; Mark Lynas (2007) A detailed 
examination by an environmental journalist of what happens when the planet heats up
Blessed Unrest - how the largest social movement in history is restoring grace, 
justice and beauty to the world; Paul Hawken (2007); Beautifully-written history of 
the environmental movement, with particular emphasis on the contemporary aspects. 
Very detailed annex.
our last chance to save humanity”; James Hansen (2009). A powerful story of how one scientist has tried to warn usMike Hulme (2009). An environmental scientist Professor takes a rare and deep look into our cultural disagreements – using anthropological insights
(2010) . 
the Canadian journalist is written for those who are already convinced about the need for urgent action.
Dieter Helm (2012). This by an economist – and the subtitle is the giveaway
ed Paul Hawken (2017). The title may be a bit over the top but the scale of research undertaken for a superbly-designed book was impressiveClub of Rome (2018). This is the definitive text for anyone who wants an up-to-date 
overview of the point we’ve reached. These are the people who first alerted us in 1972 
and were pilloried mercilessly by the corporate elites for their audacity. The report 
probably falls into the category of “not give up hope completely” and the technical options 
described in detail in the last part of the book do give the impression that things might still be fixed….But the politics suggests otherwiseto persuade the ordinary citizen of the need to take this issue more seriously – and therefore without the copious referencing of an academic book.This highly readable book from a journalist who has compressed his extensive reading into a series of short, very punchy chapters can be accessed by clicking the title.
An excellent short book which critically appraises the arguments used by the activists
strategist Anatol Lieven 
(2020) which is one of the very few books I’ve seen which takes the crisis as read - 
and chooses instead to use our own reluctance to change our habits as the key with 
which to explore the values and worldviews lying at the heart of the different sense of identity we all have. In the absence of a link to the book itself, I offer this videohas been writing about our overreliance on fossil fuels for a couple of decades - 
but I find his book a bit too glib - see the video

and this is a quite excellent little article on why we have chosen to ignore the climate crisis

E Pereira (Club of Rome 2022) A review of the lessons from the 1972 “Limits to Growth”